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GENERAL Prayut Chan-o-cha, a military man throughout his career spanning more than three decades, has dominated local news and the political scene since leading the bloodless coup on May 22 and later becoming the country's 29th prime minister.

The first coup leader in over four decades to become the government head, Prayut has managed to maintain peace in the country, mainly through martial law that has been in effect since before the coup.

The severe political conflict and violence that threatened to expand into large-scale fighting ebbed immediately after the coup, although causing displeasure to politicians of the overthrown administration and their supporters.

Prayut is currently facing the enormous task of pushing national reforms and reconciliation by ending the decade-long political polarisation in Thai society.

"The Army intends to bring peace to the beloved country for all Thais as soon as possible," he said after the coup.

Also, in the year ahead, he faces the challenges of strictly following the roadmap to reform that the junta set after the coup - and the pressure from inside and outside the country for an early general election. Moreover, he has to deal with fears the junta may attempt to remain in power after the poll.

Both the junta and the former Army chief-turned-premier got high approval ratings in public opinion polls shortly after seizing power. But Prayut was later criticised for his moodiness and garrulity. He has a direct and humorous approach when handling the media, especially when questioned by reporters.

Within days after the coup, the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) decided to borrow Bt92 billion from the Bank for Agriculture and Agricultural Cooperatives and other domestic financial institutions to repay the debts owed to more than 800,000 rice farmers, costing Bt190 billion under the previous government's rice price-pledging scheme. The repayment could be completed within two months.

Under the junta, the National Legislative Assembly passed the long-awaited inheritance tax bill that imposes a 10 per cent tax on wealth worth over Bt50 million.

The proposed legislation received much praise as a way to reduce social inequality. Such a law was unlikely to have been passed by Parliament under normal circumstances, as many wealthy lawmakers would have tried to block a measure that would tax them or their cronies.

"Quiet, hard-working"

Prayut had an active role in the 2010 crackdown on red-shirt protesters when he was the Army chief of staff. He was also involved - as commander of the First Army Region - in the 2006 military coup to oust Thaksin Shinawatra's government . Prayut was also part of the post-coup National Legislative Assembly in that year.

He began his career at the 21st Infantry Regiment of the Queen's Guards, and his former colleagues there included Army ex-chiefs General Anupong Paochinda and General Prawit Wongsuwan, and the current Army chief, General Udomdej Sitabutr.

Prayut had expressed his desire to serve the country by joining the Army in his teenage years when he was reported to be a "quiet, hard-working and an A-grade" student.

One of the key achievements of the Prayut administration and the NCPO has been their effective handling of security situations around the country - and Bangkok in particular.

Security and violence issues aside, many Thais were exhausted by the ongoing, never-ending political stalemate and protests for more than half a year. The impact was seen in the economic situation.

The coup ended this political stalemate and spate of violence, allowing people to return to their normal lives.

The bill for blanket amnesty backed by Yingluck Shinawatra's government in October last year had brought millions to the streets to oppose the proposed law.

Not only was it a costly political miscalculation by Yingluck's administration, but it also allowed Pheu Thai's opponents led by the People's Democratic Reform Council (PDRC) to take decisive action and rally to oust her government.

For the next six months, the country plunged into a political stalemate where the government and mass protesters failed to agree on whether to have "an election before reform" or "reform before election".

There was also violence around the protest sites, resulting in 20 deaths and 722 injured.

The Army tried to mediate between the conflicting sides - the Yingluck administration, the Democrat Party, the red shirts and PDRC leaders - but failed to find a compromise. Prayut decided to take matters into his own hands and staged the coup to assume control of the situation.

Prayut has been decisive in maintaining martial law, despite widespread criticism and calls from home and abroad to lift the measure. He deserves credit for keeping the situation under control, as there has been no major violence since the coup. However, in regard to liberal consideration and sensitivity, the methods he has deployed to keep security in check have at times been questionable.

One notable event was the junta's interference in a Thai PBS programme, "People's voices that need to be heard before the reform". It resulted in the programme host, Nattaya Waewweerakup, being replaced. This security move drew strong resistance and public outcry.

The junta called off many non-political rallies by civic groups and politically- related forums and debates by academic institutions.

On foreign affairs, Prayut's approach as the premier is to maintain the status quo. It can be argued that Prayut has done more than any other Asean leader in forging a strong alliance with China. This December alone, he visited China twice while Chinese Premier Li Keqiang visited Bangkok this month.

Despite the success in strengthening the relationship with China, the coup has steered Thailand away from major Western powers. Prayut so far has failed to justify the power grab to Western leaders. The EU has since suspended official visits to and from Thailand and delayed indefinitely the signing of a cooperation agreement. The United States has suspended about Bt100 million of military assistance to Thailand.

There is no doubt Prayut faces monumental tasks in the coming year and there are many areas on which political scientists and experts would like the premier to focus on.

Chaiyan Chaiyaporn, a political scientist from Chulalongkorn University, pointed to the controversy over Article 112 of the previous constitution. He said it needed to be looked at and its legal boundaries need to be explained to the public.

He gave the example of how the case of Central Investigation Bureau chief Pongpat Chayapan, facing charges for lese majeste, emerged so suddenly. He reasoned that the NCPO should consider the case for a while before involving Article 112, which still has some obscure points.

"Article 112 leaves many of its legal provisions unclear. The new Constitution must have clarity on this article, as well as stipulate who would be heir to the throne in the future. Also, whether its details would be based on the 1997 or 2007 charter. The government should be able to explain [these interpretations] to the public for them to accept the charter," said Chaiyan.

Political scientist Sirote Klampaiboon urged the junta to lift martial law, as it had been imposed long enough. It was having a negative impact on social participation in the reform process.

"Martial law should be lifted by now. It has crossed the line of maintaining peace in the country. Many people convicted under martial law were those who disagreed with the coup," he said, adding that it impacted on freedom of expression.


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